After weeks of President Trump expressing his intention to dismantle America’s traditional alliances and return to an era of great-power negotiations, one question lingered: How far would he go in sacrificing Ukraine to his vision?

The Oval Office shouting match provided the answer.

As Trump admonished President Volodymyr Zelensky and warned him that “you don’t have the cards” to deal with Vladimir Putin, and as Vice President JD Vance called the Ukrainian leader “disrespectful” and ungrateful, it was clear that the wartime partnership between Washington and Kyiv was shattered.

The venomous exchanges made evident that Trump regards Ukraine as an obstacle to a far more vital project.

What Trump really wants, a European official told me, is to normalize the relationship with Russia. If that means rewriting the history of Moscow’s invasion, if it means dropping investigations of Russian war crimes or refusing to offer security guarantees that would keep Putin from finishing the job in Ukraine, then Trump is willing to make that deal.

Trump and Ukraine

Trump believes that the post-World War II system, created by Washington, diminished American power. That system prized relationships with allies committed to democratic capitalism, even when those alliances came with a cost to American consumers. It sought to avoid power grabs by making the observance of international law, and a respect for established international boundaries, a goal unto itself.

To Trump, that system gave smaller and less powerful countries leverage over the United States, leaving Americans to bear the cost for defending allies and promoting their prosperity.

While his predecessors — Democrats and Republicans — insisted that alliances maintained peace and allowed trade to flourish, Trump viewed them as a burden. In the 2016 presidential campaign, he repeatedly questioned why America should defend countries that were running trade surpluses with the U.S.

Only in the past five weeks has Trump started taking active steps to dismantle that system. This was evident in his demand for Denmark to cede Greenland to the U.S. and for Panama to return a canal built by Americans. When asked how he could take Gaza for redevelopment as a “Riviera of the Middle East,” despite it being sovereign territory, he retorted: “Under the U.S. authority.”

Ukraine presented a more complex case. Only 26 months ago, Zelensky was welcomed in Washington as a champion of democracy, invited to address a joint session of Congress. He was applauded by both Democrats and Republicans.

A vision for U.S. power

Trump and Vance had signaled for months that the American commitment to Ukraine’s independence was over. Three weeks ago, Trump told an interviewer that Ukraine “may be Russian someday.”

Zelensky was aware of this but failed to read the room. While the leaders of France and Britain visited the Oval Office with plans to appease Trump and explain how Europe was increasing its defense spending, Zelensky became aggressive.

He reminded Trump that the oceans between America and Russia would not protect the U.S. forever. Trump raised his voice and told the Ukrainian leader he would be lucky to just get a cease-fire, suggesting that any terms would be better than defeat. “I want to see guarantees,” Zelensky replied. Minutes later, he stormed out of the White House, leaving a luncheon of rosemary roasted chicken and crème brûlée uneaten, a minerals deal unsigned and his country’s future ability to defend itself uncertain.

The Russians celebrated their good fortune. Former President Dmitri Medvedev thanked Trump for “telling the truth” to Zelensky’s face. He urged him to stop remaining American aid.

It is easier to dismantle an existing world order than to create a new one. Despite its flaws, the post-World War II system prevented great-power wars and promoted economic interdependence. Trump, however, seeks to use American power to strike deals — essentially arguing that peace is as simple as tying together minerals agreements and trade pacts.

There is little precedent to suggest that this approach alone works, especially with authoritarian leaders like Putin and President Xi Jinping of China. But judging by yesterday’s events in the Oval Office, Trump seems convinced that as long as he leads, the world will order itself as he commands.

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